Graham Piro at the Washington Free Beacon found a fascinating nugget in the waning minutes of an hour-long Monday segment of the NPR talk show 1A. They’re doing a series of climate segments under the heading “No Plan B.” Host Joshua Johnson was speaking about how many Democratic voters strongly — we might say creepily — hope to see their opponents die off, so the Left can get what they want. These are the “compassionate” ones, the “open-minded” ones?

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“I know this is kind of a nihilistic question, but I wish I had a nickel for every time I heard a Democratic voter say, ‘We’re just going to have to wait for the older ones to die off,’” Johnson said. “We know that this current generation is much more pragmatic, much more solutions-oriented. you know, the old folks aren’t going to change, they’re the ones in power. We’re just gonna have to wait for, you know, the Mitch McConnells of the Republican Party to die before we can do anything useful with GOP voters.”

It’s odd that anyone would describe bending to the Green New Deal would be considered a “more pragmatic” approach.

Johnson asked Justin Worland, an environmental writer for Time magazine: “Does your reporting bear out that the generational divide is really that black and white?”

Worland didn’t object to the inhumanity of rooting for your opponents to die. “I think in some ways it is. For one thing, you gotta look now, 2020 versus 2016, how many new voters are there?….Republicans, Donald Trump did not win by that large a margin. It’s pretty conceivable that these younger voters change that dynamic. And I think the question is can young people change the dynamics within the Republican Party such that they feel like they need to do something of substance,” Worland said.

“I don’t think that’s about dying out, I think it’s about young people showing that they’re engaged, that they care about this and really pushing that envelope. I don’t think you need to wait for however long for Mitch McConnell and his fellow older Republicans to die off,” he said.

The other guest, Yale University professor Anthony Leiserowitz, wasn’t embracing that creepy vibe:  “I mean, come on. You’re going to wait for Mitch McConnell to die? There are these things called elections. You can vote.” Note: Tim Graham is the director of media analysis for the Media Research Center, a media watchdog group. He was a White House correspondent for World magazine in 2001 and 2002. This originally appeared on the NewsBusters web site.

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1973 Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton Decisions Legalized Abortion in the U.S. for theFull Nine Months of Pregnancy Prior to 1967, abortion was prohibited in all 50 states except when the mother’s life was in danger. Between 1967 and 1973, 18 states added further exceptions, mostly to allow abortion in cases of rape and incest, or for certain limited medical reasons, or on demand (New York). In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court rendered two decisions, Roe v. Wade 1 and Doe v. Bolton 2 which, taken together, have allowed legal abortion on demand at any stage of pregnancy in all 50 states. The two original decisions established legal abortion as follows: In the first three months of pregnancy, no one can interfere with a woman’s decision to abort her child. After the first three months, but before the “viability” of the unborn child, an individual state can enact laws to protect the health of the mother but cannot prohibit the abortion of the unborn child. After “viability” of the unborn child, an individual state can, if it chooses to do so, enact laws to protect the unborn child but abortion must be allowed if the life or “health” of the mother is at stake. The Supreme Court defined “health” as “the medical judgment that may be exercised in light of all factors – physical, emotional, psychological, familial, and the woman’s age –relevant to the well-being of the patient. All these factors may relate to health.” 2 Consequently, the broad definition of “health” has made abortion legal up to the moment of birth.

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